My Grandfather's Gallery: A Family Memoir of Art and War Read online

  To my mother,

  Micheline Rosenberg-Sinclair

  CONTENTS

  Title Page

  Dedication

  Prologue

  Introduction

  Rue La Boétie

  Number 21 Under the Germans

  Floirac

  At the Centre Pompidou

  Gennevilliers

  Dealer

  Châteaudun, Opéra, and Madison Avenue

  Mother and Child

  Paul and Pic

  Boulevard Magenta

  Pi-ar-enco

  A Long Relationship

  The War Years in New York

  Preoccupations of the Heart

  The Train, Schenker, and the Art of the Possible

  Epilogue

  Bibliography

  Acknowledgments

  Frontispiece

  Photographs

  A Note About the Author

  Illustration Credits

  Copyright

  PROLOGUE

  On June 10, 2013, seventy-four years after my grandfather was forced to abandon his gallery located at 21 rue La Boétie in Paris, I had the honor to unveil a white marble plaque on the façade of the building. The plaque bore his name and those of famous painters he used to show, many of whom were his closest friends—Picasso, Braque, Matisse, Léger among them. I was pleased that the plaque explained who my grandfather was and how the building, which had been devoted for twenty years to art, had been looted and transformed into a Nazi propaganda office during the German occupation of France.

  The initiative was not mine. Rather, the owner of the building, of whom I had never heard, a certain M. Thélot, a French “entrepreneur,” who used to rent offices in the building, unexpectedly sent me a very moving letter. He had just been browsing in a bookshop and had seen a book whose title was the exact address of the building he owned. Curious, he bought the volume—the French edition of this book, 21, rue La Boétie—and was so moved by the story that he offered to have a plaque made for the front of the building, as is commonly done for famous French or foreign citizens who have left their mark on a place. Moreover, he renamed the main room inside the gallery, the one where exhibitions had been held before the war, the Paul Rosenberg Room. (Previous tenants had improbably called it the Mississippi Room.) These initiatives were so selfless and elegant that I accepted with joy.

  The homage took place on a late afternoon, when the sun was shining over Paris, so many years after the Nazis had seized the gallery.

  I could imagine how proud my grandparents, my uncle, and my mother, all of them now dead, would have been had they known their home would become celebrated in Paris, nearly three-quarters of a century after they were forced to flee arrest and deportation because they were Jewish and had refused to collaborate with the Nazi government that deemed modern painting “degenerate art.”

  From now on, thanks to M. Thélot, everyone passing by will read the plaque, learn who the great art dealer Paul Rosenberg was, and discover how a criminal regime transformed my grandfather’s gallery from a temple of beauty to a storeroom of depravity.

  That is the story of this book.

  INTRODUCTION

  A day of rain and demonstrations, early 2010.

  My neighborhood has been closed off by the police, the streets are jammed around the Bastille, and I am a prisoner in a car that I can’t simply abandon in the middle of the road. At last, reaching a CRS (state police force) barrier blocking off the Boulevard Beaumarchais, near the Place de la Bastille, I wind down my window and ask the soaked cop if I can slip by like the other local residents. “Your papers,” he says wearily. I’ve just moved in, and I haven’t got a driver’s license or any ID with my new address on it. He’s sorry, he can’t take my word for it. I need proof of my new place of residence. I can’t get home.

  * * *

  A little while later I write to the office in Nantes that issues copies of birth certificates to French citizens born abroad. When it sends me the document, I go to the police station nearest to my house, quai de Gesvres, armed with the necessary papers: the birth certificate they have asked for as well as my recently renewed identity card, valid for another seven years.

  A long queue. I take my ticket and wait for an hour and a half, long enough to look around at the people who have come to pick up IDs or passports and to hear the overworked clerks bluntly questioning the assembled supplicants. “Madame, I must know whether or not you are from Guadeloupe!” an old woman is asked in a tone that sounds a lot harsher than if she were asked, “Are you originally from the Loire-Atlantique?”

  At last it’s my turn. I take the papers out of my file. It is then that a man behind the counter is astonished to discover that I was born abroad. I tell him that since I was born in New York, my administrative papers had to come from the offices in Nantes. He then asks for my parents’ birth certificates. I spare him their story: how they met after the war when my father had been demobilized from the Free French forces. I refrain from explaining that I was born in America by chance and stayed there for only two years before coming to France to spend the rest of my life here because my father couldn’t find a job. I’m an inch away from trying to find excuses for being born outside French territory.

  On the other hand, I am feeling a bit surprised by his insistence on asking for my parents’ birth certificates. Besides, I add that on mine—look, monsieur—it clearly states that Anne S. is the daughter of Robert S. and Micheline R., both born in Paris, and that I’m therefore what’s known as French by affiliation. I also hand him my identity card, issued three years ago and valid until 2017, which means that it’s up to the administration to demonstrate that it is fraudulent, should it have any suspicion.

  But he persists: the papers are necessary; there are new directives dating from 2009 for any citizen wishing to prove his “Frenchness.”

  “Are your four grandparents French?” asks the man behind the counter.

  Fearing I may have misheard, I ask him to repeat the question.

  “Your four grandparents, were they born in France, yes or no?”

  “The last time people of their generation were asked this kind of question was before they were put on a train to Pithiviers or Beaune-la-Rolande!” I say, my voice choking with rage, as I name the French camps where Jews were locked up by the French collaborating police before being deported by the Nazis to the death camps.

  “What? What train? What are you talking about? I must repeat that I need that document. Don’t come back until you have it in your possession.”

  He dismisses me abruptly, pushing toward me my file, which by the purest coincidence is yellow, the very color of the star Jews had to wear on their clothes.

  No point in giving a history lesson to a clerk to whom the Vichy laws mean nothing and to whom no one responsible for the new regulations has taken the time to explain that there are unfortunate turns of phrase, reminiscent of more troubled times, that might be best avoided.

  I leave, more hurt than angry with this draconian desk clerk, feeling that my birth is somehow suspect, as if there were two categories of French people, some more French than others. I’m also thinking about the absurdity of this situation, given that other officials, years ago, unaware of the doubts surrounding my origins, appointed me the model for their statue of Marianne, the symbol of France, worthy to take pride of place in their town halls.

  This isn’t just an administrative bore. It’s the revival of an unhealthy debate about national identity that has been poisoning France in the last few years.

  The incident calls to mind a memory from
my youth. In the 1970s the Holocaust blew up in our faces, especially through discovery of the Vichy regime’s involvement in the final solution. We might think of the famous interview in L’Express with Louis Darquier de Pellepoix, the general commissioner for Jewish questions, in which, from his exile in Spain, he stated without the slightest remorse that “only lice were gassed in Auschwitz.” This was the starting point for the inquiries and investigations led by the lawyer and author Serge Klarsfeld* into crimes against humanity, chiefly directed—this was before the trial of Maurice Papon†—at René Bousquet, the general secretary of the Vichy police. It was a time when significant books on the subject were starting to be published, the first of them, Vichy France and the Jews, by the American historians Michael R. Marrus and Robert O. Paxton.

  We had had to wait for the research at universities abroad to bring to light the role of the Vichy administration in the arrest and deportation of the Jews of France. It was the start of a great outpouring about the “dark years” and, in a seemingly parallel universe, the emergence of the revisionists, like Robert Faurisson, who was convicted several times in France for “denial of crimes against humanity.”

  * * *

  Twenty years before, my parents had—as they used to say in those days—“done up” an old farm in Seine-et-Marne, a hundred miles from Paris, that served as a weekend retreat. My father, who worked in the cosmetics industry, had been pleased to meet a colleague in the same village, Jean Leguay, who ran Gemey, now a company affiliated with the L’Oréal group.

  Leguay and my father played golf at Fontainebleau from time to time. Leguay often came to our house for coffee, with his wife, Minouchette, who, when I was a girl, represented for me all the snobbery of the Sixteenth Arrondissement. She claimed, in this little village of three hundred souls, to have wanted to repaint her house in “Dior gray,” a color that wasn’t listed in the Valentine paint catalog, but whose name had a pretty ring for her. In short, while Minouchette might have been silly and vain, her husband was pleasant and intelligent. My father enjoyed his company, and as a child happy to go out with her dad, I often followed them as they walked the golf course. Leguay had the smooth pink face of people who sleep soundly at night. My mother, who was always concerned about my father’s pallor, frequently mentioned Leguay as an example of someone exuding health and well-being, a man at ease with himself.

  * * *

  A few years before this national reexamination of the scale of collaboration in Vichy and the treatment of the Jews, Robert Laffont published a book by Claude Lévy and Paul Tillard titled La Grande rafle du Vel d’Hiv, about the massive July 1942 roundup at a Paris sports stadium where Jews were held in hideous conditions for weeks before being deported to Auschwitz. Nowadays that event is well known to the French, especially because of the speech delivered by Jacques Chirac on July 16, 1995, acknowledging France’s culpability in the deportation of the Jews. Various books and a few films, including La Rafle (The Roundup), helped bring the story to public attention. But that hadn’t yet happened in the late 1960s, when the publication of excerpts from Lévy and Tillard’s book in the national press caused an uproar.

  The excerpts concerned a certain Leguay, no first name given. The reader learned that Leguay had been the secretary-general of the Vichy police, René Bousquet’s delegate in the Nazi-occupied zone of France. Since Leguay himself was a prefect, he was in constant correspondence with his colleagues about the practical problems posed by the arrest of the Jews. He also witnessed the roundups in July 1943, which he had helped organize, and directed the transfer of Jews from the zone libre to the Drancy internment camp.

  Like Bousquet, who had long enjoyed the protection of his political friends, such as Maurice Papon, the only senior Vichy official to have been put on trial over the last twenty years, Jean Leguay was a disreputable character whose crimes remained unknown for a long time, thanks to countless collaborators whose pasts came to light only much later. Besides, at that time I would have laughed at anyone who had told me that some twenty-seven years later a book by Pierre Péan titled Une Jeunesse française (A French Youth) would reveal, with the consent of its chief protagonist, the dark years of the man who later became President François Mitterrand. At the Institut d’Études Politiques de Paris I had physically fought against the majos, the elite right-wing students who represented the majority of the school’s students during the 1970s. Unlike us, the left-wing minos, these students maintained (rightly, alas) that Mitterrand had been awarded the Ordre de la Francisque, the highest honor given in Vichy France.

  So Péan told this charged story about his old friends with murky pasts. But what startled me at the time wasn’t so much the revelation of the dubious life of one François Mitterrand, who had served the Vichy regime before becoming François Morland and fighting with the Resistance, as the enduring nature of his dubious friendships, which he never denied. His links with René Bousquet, of course, confirmed by the president himself and attested to by photographs taken at Latche, Mitterrand’s house in Les Landes in the southwest of France while he was financing his various political campaigns, were also alarming, as well as his closeness to Jean-Paul Martin, a former cagoulard—a member of the French fascist organization La Cagoule—for whose funeral, in 1986, Mitterrand, by then the president of the French Republic, had asked that the coffin be draped with the French flag.

  To this day, I retain a sense of gratitude to former President Mitterrand for bringing the left back to power after twenty years and admiration for his tireless efforts on behalf of Europe. But by the time his past was discovered and even acknowledged by him, I had forever lost my faith in the sincerity of his moral and political commitments, and I was left with a powerful sense of betrayal. The indignation that I felt as my convictions about the past of the French nation were so cataclysmically overturned will never leave me.

  For my father, the revelations about the Vel d’Hiv roundup were experienced as a searing pain, all the more excruciating for the fact that his own father, who had worn the yellow star before going into hiding under the name of Sabatier, had been denounced by the concierge of the building in which he had taken refuge with my grandmother. He had subsequently been arrested and interned in Drancy by the French police.

  How could I fail, while bringing alive the story of my maternal family, to pay homage to my father’s mother, Marguerite Schwartz?* In a wildly novelistic scene that I have never fully understood, she managed, thanks to a French officer with contacts in Drancy, to disguise herself as a nurse, borrow a Red Cross ambulance and some false papers, and get my paternal grandfather out of that antechamber to deportation. His health ruined by the long period of mistreatment he had undergone, he died just one year later—but in his bed, rather than in the Auschwitz gas chamber, where the next convoy would have taken him.

  * * *

  My father, that day in 1967, had difficulty believing that the official who had taken an active role in those deportation-related activities was the same Leguay with whom, the previous weekend, he had shared a friendly cup of tea.

  Armed with a photocopy of a letter from the Leguay in question, addressed to the Germans and found at the Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation (CDSE; now part of the Shoah Memorial in Paris), my father went to the headquarters of the French Society of Perfumers and asked the chairman to show him a business letter signed by Jean Leguay, the president of Gemey. As he reviewed this document, my father turned very pale: the two signatures were identical. My father then told the chairman what he knew about this character and demanded that he be thrown out of the association. He was met with embarrassed refusal on the part of the chairman. It was not very courageous, and the times were not yet attuned to these injustices, the French lagging well behind the Germans in their desire to achieve transparency about their past. In those years the desire not to “create a scandal” outweighed all other considerations.

  After resigning from the professional association, my father wrote to Leguay to tell
him what he knew about his past and asked him to walk on the other side of the road in their village, so that he would never run into him again. Leguay responded by sending my father the ruling by the High Court of Justice that had cleared him in 1949, as it had Bousquet and many others.

  On a side note, during those years, Gemey was bought by L’Oréal, a company known for its recycling of notorious collaborators. These included Jean Filliol, who had tried to assassinate the Jewish French prime minister Léon Blum before the war and who had, after the liberation, taken refuge in Spain, where he ran the Spanish branch of L’Oréal. Filliol had been sentenced to death in absentia for having been a member of Joseph Darnand’s militia and for facilitating the horrific Nazi revenge attack on the town of Oradour in 1944. Another senior executive with L’Oréal, Jacques Corrèze, coincidentally lived in the same building as Jean Leguay in Paris at rue de Rémusat, and had been an officer in Eugène Deloncle’s fascist Cagoule organization, which was financed by Eugène Schueller, the father of Liliane Bettencourt, the wealthy socialite and major shareholder of L’Oréal.

  In 1941, Jacques Corrèze joined the Legion of French Volunteers (LVF) against Bolshevism, which fought alongside the Charlemagne Regiment, the Waffen-SS division that included Frenchmen who had decided to fight in the Waffen-SS uniform. Sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment in 1948, he was freed a year later and was immediately hired by Schueller to become the chief executive of L’Oréal in America. Amnestied in 1959 and rehabilitated in the 1960s, he died in Paris in 1991, while the American Office of Special Investigations was investigating his possible involvement in crimes committed during the war.

  The recent Bettencourt affair,* which has nothing to do with the above, did recall Schueller’s past and put these episodes from the history of the founder of L’Oréal in the spotlight once more.